Ray Oldenburg's The Great Good Place, just issued in this paperback
version, is a classic in the sociological literature on the social and
cultural geography of American Culture. Taking it's place alongside The
Road to Nowhere, much of Christopher Lasch's work and the writings of
other distinguished students of the decline of place in America,
Oldenburg's work is in many ways better than these precursors because
he shows how and why we were on the way to creating a placeless culture
even before the computer revolution exacerbated the tend. The
wholesale and largely uncritical acceptance of the automobile,
place-hostile zoning ordinances, and puritanical meddling have
conspired to produce a culture which is rapidly extinguishing haunts
and hangouts--the sort of real places of pure sociability which
contribute so much to the quality of life and which Oldenburg sees
missing in the narrow, money-grubbing, time-driven culture of late
century Americans. His analysis of the English Pub, the German Beer
Garden, the Viennese coffee house, and other authenic places brings a
much needed antidote to the depressing sameness that is characteristic
of the increasingly McDonalized society in which we live. Not giving
in to pessimism and despair himself, Oldenburg offers wise and witty
prescriptions for how we can turn this around and once again produce a
"Great Good Place." His thesis is that we have produced this
environment--we can produce a better one. This is social science at its
best, and with this new paperback edition just published, it should be
accessible to more readers than eveOldenburg's scholarship here is a little fuzzy -- while I found myself
agreeing with many of his points, much of his evidence seemed anecdotal.
His cross-cultural comparisons were interesting: the French cafe and
the Austrian coffeehouse are institutions that seem, well, very foreign
to Americans.
There are no substantive mentions of hair salons or bookstores in this work. I'm not sure how they slipped into the title.
On
the whole, this work raises interesting questions about the decline of
public life and public space in American culture. Oldenburg throws a
number of darts at the suburbs and poor urban planning, but seems to
spend more time lamenting the lost innocence of small-town America than
thinking about the future and how things could be turned around.
There's a lot of thought-provoking material here, and I think this work
represents a good jumping-off point for further consideration and
research.
Drawn by the concept of a "third place" as described by this book and
referenced elsewhere, I thought I'd read to find out what this was
about. In the end, this was a fascinating and thought provoking book.
Mr. Oldenburg posits that much of our societal ills today are resultant
from a lack of free association. That is, the places where people
congregate / hang-out are disappearing because of urbanization,
industrialization, etc. One example, the German beer garden (and its
descendant in the US with early German immigrants) as a family affair -
as, economically, there didn't seem to be any reason for such an
institution in an "American" community, this venue slowly disappeared or
devolved into the bars we know today - focused on serving alcohol to
the subservient and willing. In fact, Oldenburg points out, the beer
served in the beer garden was weaker than what we know today because the
point was not the beer - the point was the association and conversation
within the community, among families.
As we move towards a
"private property society" and focus on "property rights" as we seem to
understand them, the ability to be social, without prior planning, is
slowly eroding. Simultaneously, the places to "hang out" are
disappearing as a consumer driven market seems desirous of generating
the most profit for the fewest people (corporations). Because of a
desire for inexpensive goods, a local business, owned and operated by
nearby residents, is next to impossible - especially in the face of the
mass market competition from large corporations.
I think
Oldenburg hits the nail squarely on the head. As I drive around (in a
car-based economy), it's increasingly difficult to find a place to "hang
out" and/or become a regular. (1) Restaurants are driven towards
specific time limit for customers in hopes of turning a larger profit by
serving more customers; (2) American bars are not conducive because
service deteriorates if you choose not to imbibe and those that also
serve food follow (1); and (3) the notion of coffee shops not driven by 1
or 2 are few and far between. Even assuming that there are such places
of the "third place" variety, it more often than not requires a car to
get there (not to mention paying to simply park near a place).
Anyone interested in property rights, humans as a social animal, and the notion of a "community," should read this book.
Have you ever wondered why the atmosphere in your local coffee shop is
so special? Ray Oldenburg skillfully explains the "third place" theory.
The book is relevant in both academic and non-academic settings. It
is a great read.
Oldenburg's book is full of history around the changing landscape of
cultural institutions, namely the "3rd Place": the places of rest,
relaxation, and socialization at the heart of community. His focus is
primarily on Western/Caucasian 3rd places, and at times is a little too
nostalgic. I would have liked to see him address more around redefining
these places, especially around the issues of the urban/inner-city
places.It is true that Oldenburg wants to retrieve the free association of
groups that are intermediate between the naked individual and the state,
and he probably does question whether the perceived rootless existence
of the homosexual is conducive to the preservation of the old
neighborhood. Certainly, he would not feel that we must overthrow all
the old moral and religious associations to make way for the purely
legalistic conception of social existence that liberals seem to want. I
would think that a purely legalistic conception of social existence is
not acceptable even to those who think to profit most by a manipulation
of our legal apparatus. Tolerance is a virtue, and for the liberal it is
the supreme virtue, but I want to do more than tolerate my wife. I want
to desire her. The promotion of boys night out or girls night out is
not the same as promoting a gang rape mentality or an artificial attempt
to segregate. It is simply a recognition that men and women like to
congregate as men and women just as humans congregate as humans and
don't seek companionship with goats or sheep. Oldenburg can reasonably
question whether what is new is what is desirable just as we can
question whether what is based on might is right. Embracing the Madison
Avenue advertising temporal unit of the decade as if it were a properly
historical temporal unit is not to show a proper appreciation of time,
and embracing the Madison Avenue inspired attack on our ability to say
no is not to embrace a higher moral calling.
In this book, sociologist Ray Oldenburg writes about the importance of
"third places"- places of small-scale public assembly that are not
homes or workplaces such as British pubs and Austrian coffeehouses. He
describes a few examples, seeks to explain why such places are useful,
and shows why some such places are more successful than others.
Oldenburg
explains that such places provide a means of recreation that allows
people to socialize without having to schedule in advance or suffer the
stresses of more intimate friendships. And according to Oldenburg,
third places benefit marriages, because good third places ensure that a
marriage is not forced to bear 100% of the spouses' need of
companonship. .
But I wonder if Oldenburg overstates the
importance of third places. For example, in describing 19th-century
German-American beer gardens, he notes that German immigrants were quite
successful at creating third places, while other ethnic groups such as
Irish and Jews were much less so. But in the long run, these groups fit
reasonably well into the American fabric. So what difference does it
make that their bars weren't as fun?
And what distinguishes the
most successful "third places" from any bar or coffeehouse or shopping
mall? It is here that Oldenburg is least coherent, perhaps because he
is trying to describe the indescribable. Oldenburg suggests that third
places proliferate "wherever human beings have settled [except] where
planning and zoning disallows them." But when describing specific
examples, he shows how fragile they are: for example, he writes that the
German beer garden lost ground to less hospitable pubs because
Americans "never seemed able to allow the concept of a good tavern."
And
when describing the beer gardens and the American Main Street, he
focuses on their lack of exclusivity, noting that they were able to
accommodate all ages, and were able to accommodate nonpaying loiterers
as well as paying customers. But he also suggests that pubs have been
ruined by incompatible newcomers; for example, New York's McSorley's
"faces its greatest threat in the form of college students who make
meals of its cheese platters and take over the place at night." I'm not
sure I see how these observations are consistent.
Having said
that, Oldenburg sometimes is on target in describing what makes a place
an adequate "third place" and what causes it to fail. For example,
North American taverns often fail because of the sheer level of
artificial noise designed to drown out, rather than to facilitate,
conversation. One Toronto tavern I recently visited forced me to choose
between an indoors saturated with loud pop music and an outside area
saturated with panhandlers- neither of which a particularly welcoming
prospect. Perhaps such a place is designed to help the solo drinker get
drunk as quickly as possible. But Oldenburg points out that over the
past few decades, bars have lost ground to homes as places for alcohol
consumption, indicating that the would-be drunks prefer homes to bars.
Oldenburg
concludes by tying the decline of "third places" to suburban sprawl;
where taverns and similar alternatives are not within walking distance,
the possibility of an unscheduled break wanes. But are urban, walkable
neighborhoods more conducive to third places today? Or has the decline
of third places affected more walkable places as well? I'm not sure
Oldenburg has the answer.
I'd read quotes from this book and references to it being influential in
giving us the language of the 'third place' but it wasn't until I read
it that I realised how valuable it is. Unlike many non-fiction books it
just gets better and better with every page and finally ending with a
staggering conclusion. If people understood how much we've lost in the
areas of community living, we'd no longer be beating a path to
psychologists, but to city planners demanding change in order to develop
living neighbourhoods.
Living in a new housing area in Perth,
Western Australia I experience daily the result of the isolation that
results from having houses built like mini-fortresses crammed together
away from any shops or community spaces. As Oldenburg says, it couldn't
have been designed better by a car manufacturer to require reliance on
vehicles to get anywhere.
I was disappointed to find only a
single copy of this book in all the univeristy and state libraries in
Western Australia. So I've ordered numerous copies to hand out to
fellow community leaders and I hope that just maybe we might start to
bring change for the benefit of subsequent generations.

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